Roman noir as criticism of the state: Benjamin Dierstein

Benjamin Dierstein: Blues, Whites, Reds.

• Vol. 1: Blues, whites, reds, Flammarion, 2025.
• Vol. 2: The bloody banner is raisedFlammarion, 2025.
• Vol. 3: July 14.Flammarion, 2026.

Benjamin Dierstein's now completed latest literary project, the trilogy Blues, Whites, Reds, unfolds as a large-scale historical saga spanning the years 1978 to 1984, exploring the political and social climate of France during this transitional period. Dierstein interweaves the genre of the roman noir with political satire to dissect the power structures of the French Fifth Republic, following the intertwined fates of four protagonists—two police inspectors, a traumatized infiltrator, and a mercenary—whose paths repeatedly cross as they hunt down the mysterious arms dealer Geronimo. Amidst the "Years of Lead," the turmoil of Françafrique, and the political upheaval from the Giscard era to the "Mitterrandie," these fictional characters interact with real historical figures such as Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, Jacques Mesrine, Carlos, and Omar Bongo. The novels intertwine terrorism, state violence, and police and intelligence operations with a sophisticated fictional plot, illuminating both the destructive rivalry between security services and deep-seated political corruption. Based on intensive archival research, Dierstein unfolds a broad tableau of great narrative power, culminating in Beirut – a setting that symbolizes the ultimate loss of all moral illusions for the characters amidst global violence and state scandals, and which also recalls the ambitions of James Ellroy's American noir epics.

Benjamin Dierstein is a French writer who has made a name for himself in the contemporary literary scene primarily through his ambitious, politically charged crime novels. Born in 1983 in Lannion (Brittany), he worked as a musician, record label director, and day laborer before his literary career, experiences that shaped his socially critical perspective. His early novel trilogies, such as La Sirène qui fume (2018) La Défaite des idoles (2020) and La Cour des mirages (2022) painted a panorama of France during the Sarkozy era and established him as a prominent voice in the political novel and the noir genre in France. Alongside his literary work, he runs the electronic music label Tripalium Corp., which underscores his eclectic cultural background.

The first volume of the trilogy, Blues, whites, reds (2025) received a very positive reception in France: critics praised the comprehensive documentation, the narrative density, and the ability to create a captivating, at times even thrilling, novel from a historical setting. The book was hailed as a page-turner and a grand historical narrative that is both politically reflective and gripping. Reviews describe it as a blend of noir novel, political thriller, and social panorama, occasionally tinged with satire, and particularly commend the richness of its characters and the quality of its research. Furthermore, the book was awarded the Prix Landerneau Polar 2025, confirming its success within the genre. Overall, the trilogy is received as a bold and ambitious literary undertaking that covers a broad political and narrative spectrum and adds a new chapter to French literary history in its exploration of the "Années de plomb" (Years of Plomb) and the political tensions of the late 1970s and early 1980s.

Volume 1: Bleus, Blancs, Rouges (1978–1979)

The opening volume of the saga introduces four intertwined destinies: the young inspectors Marco Paolini and Jacquie Lienard, the mercenary Robert Vauthier, and the traumatized police officer Jean-Louis Gourvennec. At the heart of the plot is the hunt for the mysterious arms dealer Geronimo, who acts as a link between international terrorist groups and the French underground. While Gourvennec infiltrates a far-left cell, Vauthier returns from Africa to control the Parisian nightlife with the support of criminal clans. The story culminates in the kidnapping of the young Charles-Henri de Castelbajac, which exposes the helplessness of the security apparatus. At the end of the volume, it becomes clear that these personal fates are inextricably intertwined with the dark chapters of French history.

The political and historical context is defined by the "Years of Lead" and the later stages of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's presidency. France faces an unprecedented wave of terrorism, spearheaded by groups such as the RAF, the Red Brigades, and the FPLP. This external threat catalyzes a destructive rivalry between the police forces, the BRI and the RG, who withhold information from each other to gain political favor. The plot reflects real events, such as the kidnapping of Baron Empain, to illustrate the climate of widespread insecurity. It becomes clear that the state, in its fight against terrorism, often operates on the edge of illegality.

The deeper interpretation of the first volume lies in its exploration of the trauma of May 1968. Gourvennec's infiltration is directly linked to the death of a colleague during the student unrest, thus addressing the unresolved tensions between state and society. Geronimo, in turn, represents the ghosts of the colonial past, now returning to the motherland. The novel shows how the ideals of 1968 dissipate in the violence of terrorism and the corruption of institutions. Even at this early stage, the protagonists lose their moral innocence in the service of a republic that guards its own secrets.

Giscard d'Estaing, often referred to in the book as "the Monarch," embodies a system increasingly detached from the realities of its citizens. The Françafrique affairs, symbolized by the diamond scandal surrounding Emperor Bokassa, are a recurring theme throughout the narrative. Robert Vauthier's return from Gabon directly connects the Parisian milieu with the neocolonial machinations of the French elite. This geopolitical dimension demonstrates that the terror in Paris is often the consequence of French foreign policy in Africa and the Middle East. The lines between raison d'état, crime, and idealism are becoming increasingly blurred.

In conclusion, Volume 1 interprets the police as a microcosm of a divided French society. The rivalry between Paolini and Lienard is not merely personal, but represents the clash between different police cultures. While Paolini embodies the "cowboy mentality" of the BRI, Lienard represents the intellectual analysis of the RG. The fact that both ultimately fail due to the rigid hierarchies and secrets of their predecessors forms the tragic undertone of the book. The volume ends with the realization that the pursuit of truth is virtually impossible within a system of lies.

Volume 2: L'Étendard sanglant est levé (1980–1981)

In the second volume, the hunt for Geronimo continues as the protagonists find themselves in a changed world order. Gourvennec has now become deeply involved with the far-left group Action Directe and carries out violent operations under its guise. Paolini and Lienard continue their efforts to uncover the arms dealer's identity, but in doing so, they become entangled in the Cold War. Vauthier operates as a powerful pimp in the Parisian jet set, but at the same time, he is planning a return to Africa to settle his own scores. The protagonists' fates are now inextricably linked to the major espionage scandals of the era.

The political and historical context is dominated by the change of power in 1981. François Mitterrand's victory triggers a wave of purges within the police force, aimed at dismantling old Gaullist networks like the SAC. Amidst this upheaval, the assassination of Minister Robert Boulin shatters trust in the state, and Marco Paolini becomes directly implicated in the cover-up. Internationally, the Libyan-Chadian conflict and the Soviet espionage operation "Farewell" shape the narrative. The protagonists must decide where their loyalties lie in this new era.

The interpretation of this volume revolves around the themes of deception and disillusionment. The title suggests the bloody struggle for power, which plays out both on the streets of Paris and in the backrooms of politics. The protagonists discover that the new socialist government also quickly resorts to the old methods of repression and secrecy. Gourvennec's total estrangement from his family and his devotion to radical violence reflect the disintegration of personal bonds in favor of political ideals. It becomes clear that the state sacrifices its servants as soon as they become a liability.

A central theme is the merging of crime and politics. The Zemour brothers and Tany Zampa vie for dominance in gambling and drug trafficking, often with the protection of high-ranking police officers. Robert Vauthier acts as an intermediary between these worlds, using his connections to the secret service SDECE (later DGSE) to safeguard his criminal interests. The narrative interprets Françafrique as a system in which mercenaries and state officials work together to destabilize foreign regimes in order to secure prosperity in the mother country.

Finally, Volume 2 addresses the loss of moral compass. Marco Paolini, tormented by guilt over Robert Boulin's death, escapes into a fanatical work ethic at the DST. Jacquie Lienard realizes that she is merely a cog in a machine of cronyism and political intrigue. The hunt for Geronimo becomes a metaphor for the futile search for a tangible enemy in a web of mutual dependencies. Ultimately, the book concludes with the realization that the mechanisms of power under Mitterrand hardly differ from those under Giscard.

Volume 3: 14 Juillet (1982–1984)

The trilogy's conclusion unfolds in an atmosphere of siege and betrayal. Following the devastating attack on the Rue des Rosiers, Mitterrand establishes a secret anti-terrorist cell within the Élysée Palace, which Jacquie Lienard joins. Paolini now works for the DST, while Vauthier operates for the DGSE in Lebanon. All are hunting the same target: the Algerian terrorist Khadidja Ben Bouazza, who collaborates closely with Carlos and the "Pinzutu" (the now openly terrorist Gourvennec). The plot ultimately leads the protagonists to Beirut, where their paths collide in a final catastrophe.

Politically, the Mitterrand era faced a moral reckoning. The scandal surrounding the "Irlandais de Vincennes"—falsified evidence against alleged terrorists by the GIGN—shook the credibility of the new government. At the same time, the Lebanese Civil War reached a new level of escalation with the attack on the Drakkar building, in which many French soldiers died. Domestically, the rising National Front exploited the insecurity and economic crisis for its political breakthrough. The dissolution of the SAC marked the end of an era of shadow police, but paved the way for new, equally ruthless structures.

The interpretation of this volume focuses on the total loss of illusions. Jacquie Lienard realizes that the justice she once believed in is merely a facade for political expediency. Her paranoid disintegration and subsequent committal to a psychiatric hospital reflect the state of a police force chasing its own demons. The theme of the "Deep State" (Honneur de la Police, Légion du Roy) becomes the central explanation for the unsolved murders of recent decades. In the end, the solution to the mystery is not found, but rather the cover-up of the truth to protect the Republic.

A crucial motif is the collapse of Françafrique and its neocolonial dreams. Vauthier's failure in Lebanon and the loss of his "protégé" Nantier mark the end of mercenary service as a legitimate instrument of foreign policy. The figure of Khadidja Ben Bouazza is interpreted as a reflection of France's history of violence—a woman whose life was destroyed by French torture and who now carries terror into the heart of Paris. The "Légion du Roy," a network of former Nazis and collaborators, is exposed as the true, dark heart of the French security apparatus.

The trilogy's conclusion is a tragedy of loneliness. Paolini dies at the hand of his own cousin, a victim of the very secrets he sought to uncover. Gourvennec is executed by Vauthier after realizing the futility of his struggle. Jacquie Lienard remains the sole survivor, but she is broken and has become part of the very system she once sought to reform. The date of July 14th in the title thus becomes a bitter irony: instead of liberty and fraternity, silence and cynicism prevail.

Anatomy of the Fifth Republic

Benjamin Dierstein's trilogy is more than a historical crime novel; it is a dissecting anatomy of the French Fifth Republic. The project can be understood as an attempt to trace the continuity of violence from collaboration under Vichy through the Algerian War to the modern terrorism of the 1980s. Dierstein uses the genre of roman noir to show that the foundations of French democracy rest on the graves of victims sacrificed in the name of raison d'état or anti-communism.

The work interprets French history as a succession of betrayal and disillusionment. The four protagonists—the idealist (Paolini), the career-driven woman (Lienard), the traumatized outsider (Gourvennec), and the cynical profiteer (Vauthier)—all fail due to a power structure that tolerates no individuality. The character of Khadidja Ben Bouazza, in particular, acts as the personified bad conscience of the nation, whose campaign of revenge brings the sins of the colonial era back to Paris.

Dierstein's project can thus be understood as a dismantling of national myths. By interweaving fictional biographies with real scandals such as the Boulin affair or the "Irlandais de Vincennes," the author makes it clear that the line between law enforcement and lawlessness often doesn't exist in the highest circles of power. The saga doesn't end with the triumph of justice, but with the cementing of the status quo through hush money and corruption, making the work a dark parable about the impossibility of truth in politics.