Deep structures of anti-liberalism: the alternative modernity of the French right

New histoire de l'extreme droite (France 1780–2025). Edited by Baptiste Roger-Lacan, Seuil, 2025.

Problem statement and overall project

The band New histoire de l'extreme droite (France 1780–2025) This work aims to provide a comprehensive account of a political force that has constantly redefined itself – claiming to embody an alternative modernity, even though it has historically mostly acted as an opponent of social change. Because the multifaceted and ongoing development of the far right has had a lasting impact on the political, cultural, and social fabric of France, this work offers a new perspective on French history as a whole.

When did the French far right emerge, how has it changed over time, and how can its organizational forms and political practices be described? Which intellectual traditions does it draw upon, what is its stance on capitalism, and what relationships does it maintain with related foreign movements? From the counter-revolutionary tradition through the Vichy regime to the colonial wars and the rise of the National Front, it is clear that the far right in France has always been strongly influenced by the prevailing historical circumstances. To make this long development comprehensible, Baptiste Roger-Lacan has assembled a team of young experts who have fundamentally renewed research in this field in recent years. Among other things, they highlight the movement's early roots at the local and international levels, as well as the characteristic expressions of its political ideology. Baptiste Roger-Lacan, a historian with a doctorate and an agrégé, conducts research at the Fondation Napoléon and teaches at the Institut catholique de Paris and Sciences Po. He has also published Le Roy. Another histoire de la Droite (Passés composés, 2025).

This volume systematically traces the genealogy of the extreme right (ER) in France back to the beginnings of the French Revolution (around 1780). This contradicts older historiographical approaches, which often placed the Third Republic or the Dreyfus Affair as the origin. The challenge lies in defining and analyzing this phenomenon over such a long period (WearThe ER is primarily seen as the radical right (radical right) defined by its uncompromising nature (intransigenceThe Revolutionary Era is characterized by its excessive zeal and a fundamentalist rejection of universalist values ​​and the world that emerged from the revolution. It combats liberalism, socialism, and communism as the "three faces of the revolutionary hydra" and instead postulates a natural, hierarchical, and organic social order. Although the Era presents itself as anti-modern and reactionary, it is paradoxically understood as an agent of modernity and its shaping. Methodologically, the volume employs the polyphony of fourteen specialized authors to enable a kaleidoscopic perspective. Particular emphasis is placed on the transnational circulation of ideas (within Europe) and the crucial role of the colonial class, especially French Algeria, as an ideological testing ground.

Cultural and literary historical dimensions

The relevance of the political developments of the extreme right (ER) in France begins in the intellectual and historical foundations that are inextricably linked to the counter-revolution and the Anti-Lumières (contre-Lumières) are connected. Thinkers like Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald created a “French reactionary canon” (canon réactionnaire français), which is not merely a simple reaction, but a structured, alternative critique of modernity. These early writings already actively contributed to the transformation of European societies. In the 19th century, this tradition was re-evaluated by literary history, which emphasized its ideological consistency. Early political culture was shaped by the aristocratic matrix, which fostered the cult of heroic defeat (défaite héroïque) and an imaginary version of chivalry (imaginaire chevaleresque). The history of the ER is also marked by a wealth of apologetic writings from activists (e.g., former members of the Action française or neo-fascists), who for a long time blurred the line between this and actual historical work.

From a cultural-historical perspective, the ER secured its persistence through its organization as a political counterculture during times of political retreat. This counterculture guaranteed the continuity and preservation of ideas disseminated through writing, teaching, and the press. Early counterrevolutionary newspapers (Les Actes des apôtres) established a specific style of "malicious irony and melancholic derision," which was later adopted by nationalist publications such as Rivarol was taken up. In the second half of the 20th century, the struggle shifted towards metapolitics, a field emerging from the Nouvelle Droite a strategy originating from the cultural sphere, which aims to “win over minds” through cultural forms (gagner les espritsThis manifests itself in youth countercultures (juvenile counter-cultures), which have a distinctive style (distinctive style) cultivate, and in the tactical use of modern media. Modern activists, including influencers, use “mème culture” (viral memes) to trivialize and politicize historical elements and to propagate an aggressive masculinity (aggressive virility).

The most significant relevance lies in the shaping of the political and social imaginary through the dissemination of myths and narratives (stories and mythsThe constant recurrence of conspiracy thinking (complotisme), by Abbé Barruel (Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire du Jacobinisme) up to the theory of the "Great Replacement" (big replacement), is a central element in shaping culture. The colonial class (strate colonial), especially French Algeria, structured an imperial imaginary (imaginaire impérial) and served as an ideological reservoir for articulating hatred and political fantasies. Authors like Louis Bertrand articulated this colonial imagery in their literature. Furthermore, Moorish-racist historians like Pierre Gaxotte used history as "experimental politics," exemplified by the French Revolution in their work. The French Revolution (1928) as the “first communist state.” This counter-revolutionary narrative fueled anti-communism and established a dominant guiding narrative of the extreme right, whose influence extends far beyond the political sphere.

Discussion of the individual contributions

Les chevaliers revenants ou la matrice aristocratique (Clément Weiss)

This article examines the origins of the ER's political culture in the counter-revolution and identifies the aristocratic matrix as its foundation. The revolution's early opponents (the "returning knights") were primarily nobles who jealously defended their monopoly on command and cultivated a political culture based on violence and an idealized chivalry. Even at this early stage, the ER, through its support of manifestos such as the Brunswick Manifesto, became parti de l'étranger.

A key finding lies in the argument that the ER, from the very beginning, had a culture of heroic defeat (défaite héroïque) and the exalted violence that goes beyond mere doctrine. Weiss shows that the foundations of the extreme right lie not only in intellectual anti-Enlightenment currents, but also in the defense of the social caste and the pursuit of aristocratic distinction.

La défaite de l'ultraroyalisme (Andoni Artola)

The author analyzes the Restoration period, in which ultra-royalism failed. Conspiracy theories emerged from this defeat (complotisme), for example through the writings of Abbé Barruel (Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire du Jacobinisme), who interpreted the revolution as a plot orchestrated by secret societies (Judeo-Masonry) to destroy the old order. Although the ultra-royalists effectively held power from 1822 to 1828, their ideological radicalism and intransigence, even on the question of succession, led to their political failure.

This article demonstrates the profound historical role of the conspiracy myth as a constant structural principle of the ER (Extreme Right). It clarifies that ultra-royalism laid the ideological foundations for the later demonization of internal enemies as early as the 19th century, and that the intransigence of the radical right represents a self-destructive political tendency that has repeatedly thwarted its success.

Modernities of Legitimism (1830-1883) (Alexandre Dupont)

Alexandre Dupont demonstrates that Legitimism after 1830, although it fought for the restoration of the older Bourbon line, was by no means merely an outdated relic. It developed modern and subversive political practices. The Legitimists made early use of populist rhetoric and appealed to the working classes, who were opposed to the socio-economic consequences of liberalism. Currents such as the National law They even advocated universal suffrage as a means of regaining power. The term "extrême droite" was coined in the mid-1870s by Paul Thureau-Dangin to describe the extreme stance of the legitimist deputies (the chevau-légers) to describe.

This article refutes the notion of rigid conservatism and emphasizes the inventiveness of the extreme right in the 19th century. It shows how legitimism, through populist monarchist fantasies and the use of new political tools (such as the press and suffrage), secured its appeal to the working classes and thus created a “political counterculture” that foreshadowed later mass movements.

An extreme Catholic in the 19th century? (Arthur Herisson)

Arthur Hérisson critically questions whether the intransigent Catholicism of the 19th century can itself be considered extreme right-wing. While the Ultramontanes rejected liberal and revolutionary values ​​in principle, their main goal was the defense of the Church and the papal claim to temporal power.pape-roi), not necessarily the political restoration of a particular dynasty. This led to strategic and ideological divergences with the Legitimists.

This article differentiates the Wear The ER, by showing that while the alliance between the "Goupillon" (clergy) and the "Sabre" (military) was an essential vector of continuity, cannot simply equate the ER's political radicalism with conservative, anti-liberal Catholicism. He identifies the defense of the Catholic social order as an important, but not identical, axis of reaction.

Inventor l'heritage, de Drumont à Maurras (Baptiste Roger-Lacan)

This chapter deals with the rise of modern nationalism in the Third Republic, which was catalyzed by crises such as Boulangism (the first major populist moment) and the Dreyfus Affair. The new ideology built on the antisemitism of Édouard Drumont (Jewish France as a bestseller that denounced Jews as national parasites and agents of corruption). Charles Maurras (Action française) provided the intellectual synthesis by merging nationalism with monarchism and the four “confederate states” (Jews, Protestants, Freemasons, Métèques) defined as internal enemies.

This article outlines the birth of the modern extreme right, characterized by the hybridization of old anti-revolutionary ideas with modern, widespread antisemitism and anti-parliamentarianism. It emphasizes that Boulangism introduced new political practices to the ER that went beyond mere monarchism, including the vocal and violent occupation of the streets.

Des militant nationalists and feminists from the Troisième République? (Camille Cleret)

Camille Cléret examines the participation of women in the nationalist and religious struggles of the Erasmus Movement (ER). Although women were active in the anti-Dreyfusard and anti-clerical mobilization, the ER rejected all forms of feminism and the principle of equality. Feminist demands were branded as expressions of "Jewish, Metoic, or Masonic" subversion. While the militant women cultivated a culture of transgression (e.g., Gyp), they ultimately served the ideological defense of a hierarchical, patriarchal order.

This article exposes the ideological boundary of feminism within the ER: as long as female activism supported the anti-republican and virile nationalist agenda, it was welcomed; as soon as it challenged the gender hierarchy, it was considered “anarchic” and belonging to the enemy (the “anti-France”). This demonstrates how deeply rooted the anti-egalitarian principle is in ER ideology.

Juifs, francs-maçons, communistes: combattre l'Anti-France (Valeria Galimi)

Valeria Galimi analyzes the interwar period, during which the concept of “anti-France” became the central, unifying element of the extreme right. The original “Judeo-Masonry” conspiracy was expanded to include anti-communism, leading to the powerful myth of “Judeo-Bolshevism.” The perceived threat was heightened by a rhetoric of “invasion” (by foreigners, Jews, and refugees). The election of Léon Blum (Popular Front) was interpreted as confirmation of the “Jewish conquest of the state” and triggered widespread violence (such as the assassination of Blum) and calls for state-sanctioned antisemitism, as formulated by Louis Darquier de Pellepoix (future Vichy commissioner).

This chapter illustrates how anti-communism became the decisive driving force behind the unification of conservatives and extremists in the 1930s, and how anti-Semitism, through its connection with Bolshevism, took on a new, virulent form that led directly to Vichy's policy of elimination. The dissemination of invasion rhetoric with racist and "scientific" undertones established discourses that remained relevant for the post-1945 Erasmus.

Tentations fasciste et nazie: les voyageurs d'extreme droite en Europe (Christophe Poupault)

Christophe Poupault examines the transnational contacts and travels of French ER actors to the authoritarian states of Europe. Fascist Italy was the preferred model, admired for its anti-parliamentarianism and corporatism. Although the Action française While other leagues attracted fascists, the Moors and traditionalists ultimately preferred the Iberian regimes (Salazar and Franco) because they better embodied Latin Catholic principles. These travels and the exchanges in the press promoted the international circulation of anti-liberal ideas.

The analysis refutes the myth of a “French allergy to fascism” and shows that the French Right Wing was an active part of a European network that sought out and imitated anti-liberal models. The nuances in the choice of models (fascism vs. traditionalist authoritarianism) underscore the internal tensions of the French Right and its ideological commitment to “Latinism” as a counterpoint to Germanism and Bolshevism.

Vichy or the Heure of Revenge (Anne-Sophie Anglaret and Baptiste Roger-Lacan)

The authors describe the Vichy regime as the “hour of revenge,” in which the counter-revolutionary principles nurtured since 1789 were implemented by the state. The military defeat of 1940 offered a unique opportunity to abolish the Republic, enshrine antisemitism in state law, and fulfill the anti-liberal demands of the ER. This was made possible by ideological convergence with the conservative right, which also rejected parliamentarism. Although Vichy itself was not a purely ER government, key figures (such as Alibert, Marion, and Doriot) and the most brutal enforcement bodies (such as the Militia) from the radical camp and practiced an open logic of civil war.

This chapter reinforces the thesis that Vichy was the logical consequence of the counter-revolutionary Wear It demonstrates the ER's strategic ability to gain political influence and implement its ideological principles during times of crisis. Furthermore, the period of the Épuration (purge) is identified as the founding myth of the post-war ER's cult of victimhood, which united all collaborators in prison and created the legend of "Pétain as the shield and de Gaulle as the sword."

Ranimer la flamme après 1945 (Pauline Picco)

After 1945, the ER was discredited and marginalized by collaboration. Its revival was achieved along two main axes: firstly, through the revival of anti-communism as a bridge to the right, and secondly, through the invention of Holocaust denial by Maurice Bardèche. Denial served as an ideological weapon to relativize Nazi crimes, defend the legitimacy of Vichy, and establish a transnational community of defeated fascists in Europe. The colonial wars, particularly the Algerian War, offered the young, radical generation (such as Dominique Venner) a new battleground against the "racial" and ideological wars and created a myth of the lost cause.cause lost).

This article identifies the Algerian War as the "founding event" of the postcolonial far right, which shifted its ideological focus to the struggle against the "Other" (connoted as communist and racist). Furthermore, it details the establishment of negationism as a lasting, identity-forming element of the radical right in France and Europe, which strengthened the transnational nature of the struggle.

The impossible professionalization of the Front National? (Baptiste Roger Lacan)

This chapter examines the rise of the National Front (FN) under Jean-Marie Le Pen since 1972, which united diverse radical tendencies (from neo-fascists to traditionalists) in a "national camp." Le Pen sought professionalization and "de-demonization" in order to forge alliances with the conservative right. However, this repeatedly failed due to his repeated anti-Semitic outbursts, particularly his statement that the gas chambers were a "detail of history." The Nouvelle Droite (ND) influenced the FN through figures like Bruno Mégret and introduced concepts such as ethno-differentialism and metapolitical strategy.

The analysis reveals the deep-seated political contradictions of the National Front (FN): the need for normalization conflicts with its core identity, which is rooted in an antisemitic and Vichy-centric culture. The article highlights how metapolitical ideas (cultural conquest before political power) strengthened the ideological foundation of the FN and its strategy for recruiting new elites (Club de l'Horloge, ND) in the fight against "mondialism."

The National Rally, a European Part (Marta Lorimer)

Marta Lorimer examines the relationship of the Rassemblement National (RN) to the European Union. Following a shift in policy in the 1980s, the RN adopts a decidedly Eurosceptic stance. It sharply distinguishes between the desired "European civilization" (defined ethnically and culturally) and the despised "cosmopolitan and globalist" EU institutions and technocrats. Paradoxically, the party has benefited from its presence in the European Parliament, as this has increased its legitimacy and visibility.

This article situates the National Rally (RN) within the European context of radical populism. It demonstrates that the European Rally (ER) uses criticism of the EU as ideological raw material to normalize its Eurosceptic agenda and position itself as the sole true defender of Europe's national and ethnic identity.

Jeunesse et contre-cultures, des skinheads aux influenceurs (Emmanuel Casajus)

Emmanuel Casajus illuminates the role of youth and countercultures as "new Freikorps" on the radical fringe of the ER. Building on the metapolitical strategy of Nouvelle Droite (cultural conflict), these groups – from skinheads to West ...extending to modern social media "influencers" like Papacito – these groups deliberately use youth cultural aesthetics and media to spread their anti-modern messages. They emphasize virile, aggressive masculinity and reject compromise in favor of radical, often violent actions.

The benefit lies in the detailed tracking of the transformative capacity of the metapolitical strategy: It shows how the ideas of the intellectual Nnews Droite translated into a popular counterculture that incorporated modern codes (such as music, street cred) uses it to propagate anti-contrarian revolutionary ideals and to recruit new, radical cadres, even when political parties are marginalized.

Sorting the margin, the strategic identity (Marion Jacquet-Vaillant)

This article analyzes the Identitarian Movement and its strategy of bringing radical ideas into the political mainstream. The movement is based on the concept of ethno-differentialism. Nouvelle Droite (the idea that different peoples must live separately to preserve their identity). Through the popularization of the myth of the “Great Replacement” (Great replacement) she tries to influence electorates and parties (such as the RN and Reconquest!) to influence ideologically. Its organizational structure is based on local "identity houses" (identity zones), inspired by Italian groups such as Casapound.

The critical interpretation emphasizes the successful normalization of ideological fragments from the radical right by the Identitarian movement. It illustrates how their metapolitical work (the "cultural struggle"), through the creation of alliances and the introduction of new political vocabulary into public discourse, leads to the de-marginalization of radical ideas.

Flexibility and inventiveness

The two concluding texts serve for metahistorical reflection and the consolidation of the theses of the anthology.

Laurent Jeanpierre's postface, "La « longue durée » de l'extrême droite" (The "long duration" of the far right), reinforces the central thesis that counter-revolution constitutes the indispensable matrix of the extreme right. Jeanpierre contradicts the myth of the "French allergy to fascism" and emphasizes that the ER's long-lasting existence is due to its capacity to organize as a political counterculture, which survives in times of political retreat through writing, the press, and cultural networks. The institutions of the Church (intransigent Catholicism) and the army (as a vector of revenge and the legitimacy of the "boss") are highlighted as structural vectors of this continuity. Particular emphasis is placed on the "colonial class" (strate colonial), with French Algeria remaining to this day a central ideological reservoir for myths about identity and revenge. Jeanpierre concludes that the ER demonstrates persistence, flexibility, and inventiveness by reassembling and reinventing its myths, relying heavily on international models and support networks.

Baptiste Roger-Lacan's bibliography presentation, "Une matière noire," reflects on the methodological challenges of writing the history of the Counter-Revolution. Roger-Lacan points to the difficulty of drawing a line between historical scholarship and the apologetic literature of activists (memoirs, programmatic justifications), which has long overshadowed historical work. He notes that research has historically marginalized counter-revolution and legitimism for a long time, even though these are essential sources for a structured alternative critique of modernity. Finally, Roger-Lacan illuminates the ongoing historiographical controversies, particularly the debate about the existence and role of French fascism and the continuity between counter-revolution and nationalism. He emphasizes the recent trend toward comparative and transnational approaches to analyzing the modern development of the Counter-Revolution within the context of European populisms.